Scraps of Hope videos & talks @Porthania, University of Helsinki

Scraps of Hope video screening, meet & greet talks
5-19 September
Porthania, Yliopistonkatu 3, 00100 Helsinki
https://www.facebook.com/events/1059538470806668/?ti=icl

Video screenings daily at 11.45am, Unicafe video screen plus Mondays & Fridays Lehtisali (2nd floor)

Meet & greet talks on Mondays and Fridays at 12.30-13.30 Lehtisali (2nd floor)
Meet and greet programme:
Mon 5 Sept
10 Years of Gender and EU Civilian Crisis Management Missions: From Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) onwards

Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) was among the first EU civilian crisis management missions. Through it the EU and five ASEAN Member States monitored the peace settlement between the Indonesian government and Free Aceh Movement in 2005-2006. How did AMM incorporate gender concerns of armed conflict and peace agreements, mandated by the UN Security Council resolution 1325? How has the EU crisis management instrument evolved since the AMM? What has that meant for gender equality and justice concerns?

Docent, Academy of Finland Research Fellow Marjaana Jauhola talks with Dr. Leena Avonius, Researcher, Crisis Management Center Finland, former AMM Reintegration Co-ordinator (2005-6)
Fri 9 Sept
The use and abuse of history: Post-authoritarianism, Regime Change and Democratization in Indonesia

Following the exit of President Suharto in 1999, Indonesia has gone through a series of democratizing measures such as decentralisation, freedom of press, political parties, amendments to constitution and new state institutions. What role have these played in the settlement of armed conflict in Aceh, and what are its consequences for gender equality concerns? How has Indonesia come to terms with its violent history and atrocities of its citizens during the massacre of 1965-66 targeting members and suspects of affiliates of Indonesian Communist Party? The Aceh peace process included provisions for human rights court and truth reconciliation process. Is there scope for justice in Aceh peace process?

Docent, Academy of Finland Research Fellow Marjaana Jauhola talks with Dr. Ratih Dwiyani Adiputri, University of Jyväskylä a former legislative expert in the Indonesian parliament (2000-9) and advisor of USAID parliamentary project in Aceh (2006-7).
Mon 12 Sept
Complex emergencies and humanitarian assistance: what has gender got to do with it?

Every year, conflicts and natural disasters cause suffering for millions of people – usually for the poorest, marginalized and vulnerable populations. Humanitarian assistance aims to provide life-saving assistance, reduce human suffering and maintain dignity during and aftermath of crises. How well do these efforts address gendered vulnerabilities and capabilities? What would gender mainstreaming of humanitarian assistance look alike?

Docent, Academy of Finland Research Fellow Marjaana Jauhola talks with Satu Lassila, Senior Adviser for Humanitarian Assistance and Policy, Ministry for Foreign Affairs, former World Food Programme (WFP) Gender Adviser & Programme Adviser 1999-2004, Emergency Officer and Head of Sub-Office of WFP tsunami operation, in Aceh 2005 and Senior Adviser for Assistant-Executive Director of UN Women (HQ) 2014-15.
Fri 16 Sept
Videos on Book (VoB) – new format for media enriched e-publishing

Scraps of Hope, with the support from Finnish Cultural Foundation, has developed devise responsive hybrid/media enriched electronic publishing platform Videos on Book (VoB) – one of its first kinds in Finland (http://vob.fi/, soon available in English!).

The first demo version was released in 2015 of Marjaana Jauhola’s peer-reviewed article ‘Scraps of Home’ and the first book ‘Five women, hundred lives’ – focusing on the lived experiences of dissociation – in June 2016.

Digital designer Seija Hirstiö will introduce the VoB platform and tell how the book ’Five women, hundred lives’ came about (dissociation.fi).
Mon 19 Sept
Visual ethnography – collaboration with an ethnographer and digital designer

How to turn ethnographic life history method into documentary films or short videos? How to tackle ethical considerations of documenting lives of non-elites in a complex post-conflict context? Docent, Academy of Finland Research Fellow Marjaana Jauhola and digital designer Seija Hirstiö reflect upon their experience in shooting the Scraps of Hope videos in Indonesia in December 2015.
For more information:
scrapsofhope.fi
Facebook: Scraps of Hope
Marjaana Jauhola, (marjaana.jauhola(at)helsinki.fi, 02941-24228)

Scraps of Hope: Ethnography of Peace in Aceh

To mark the 11th anniversary of the signing of Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on the 15th of August in 2005 in Helsinki in Finland, four new videos were released last week as part of the Scraps of Hope – ethnography of peace in Aceh (2012-16).

Scraps of Hope is urban ethnography of peace, post-disaster and post-conflict reconstruction politics in Aceh, Indonesia by Academy of Finland Research Fellow Marjaana Jauhola – and collaboration with digital designer Seija Hirstiö, funded by Finnish Cultural Foundation and Academy of Finland.

More events will be announced this week!

Follow Scraps of Hope in Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/scrapsofhopeaceh/

Visual portfolio of Scraps of Hope: http://scrapsofhope.fi/aceh

Photo: CMI/Jenni-Justiina Niemi

Poliittisen vaikuttamisen tulevaisuus – johon suomalainen feministinen politiikantutkimus ja keskustelut osallisina – utopiaako?

 

Tartuin vastikään Turun yliopiston ja Tulevaisuudentutkimuksen Verkostoakatemian julkaisemaan, Rauli Mickelssonin toimittamaan, kirjaan Poliittinen vaikuttaminen tulevaisuudessa.  Ja jäin pohtimaan, minne suomalainen feministinen politiikantutkimus on kadonnut – vai onko se kadonnut alkuunkaan.

Suorittamani pika-analyysini (avainsanahaut, lähdeluetteloiden läpikäynti) perusteella luentosarja ja sen perusteella toimitettu avoimesti luettavissa olevan e-julkaisun luvut, eivät valitettavasti kata laajaa feministisen politiikantutkimuksen kenttää, jota Suomessa tehdään useassa yliopistossa ja monikielisesti.

Kirjan lähdeluetteloista löysin kuitenkin seuraavat viitteet:

Pulkkinen, Tuija (1998): Postmoderni politiikan filosofia. Tampere: Gaudeamus.

Eräsaari, Leena. (2007): “Millainen yhteiskunta on hyvinvointivaltion jälkeen?”. Teoksessa Taimio, H. (toim.): Talouskasvun hedelmät – kuka sai ja kuka jäi ilman?. Helsinki: TSL, s. 211–225.

Julkunen, Raija. (2001): Suunnanmuutos. 1990-luvun sosiaalipoliittinen reformi Suomessa. Tampere: Vastapaino.

Nämä kyseiset teokset eivät valitettavasti anna kokonaiskuvaa edes kyseisten tutkijoiden julkaisujen laajuudesta, tai siitä, millä tavalla he osallistuvat/ovat osallistuneet suomalaisen, tai globaalin poliittisen ja taloudellisen järjestelmän, tai politiikan tutkimuksen kentän uudelleenmäärittelyihin. Ainoastaan tutkijat Nancy Fracer ja Iris Marion Young saavat erityismaininnan osallisuudestaan politiikan deliberatiivisuutta käytävään keskusteluun Maija Setälän Marja Seppälän luvussa ‘Mihin deliberatiivista demokratiaa tarvitaan tulevaisuudessa?’ .

Millä tavalla suomalaisen feministisen tai sukupuolen tutkimuksen esiin nostamat kysymykset sitten käsitellään kirjan eri luvuissa? Nopean asiasanahaun perusteella tulos on masentava. Feministisen tutkimuksen sisältökysymyksinä kirja nostaa esille kaksi: Petri Kylliäisen ja Raunli Mickelssonin kirjoittamassa johdannossa annetaan esimerkki maailmankuvan ja arvoperustan yhteydestä kausaaliseen päättelyyn tulevaisuudesta, jonka avulla tehdylle politiikalle luodaan oikeutus: ”Esimerkkiargumentti voisi olla: ‘Jotta naisilla olisi tasa-arvoinen mahdollisuus osallistua työelämään, on kuntien järjestettävä päivähoitopaikat tarpeen mukaan kaikille alle kouluikäisille lapsille’. Näin tasa-arvoa voidaan tulkita arvona ja käyttää sitä oikeutuksena ja perusteluna yksittäiselle politiikkaesitykselle tai –ratkaisulle” (Kylliäinen & Mickelsson 2014, 12). Toinen selkeä yhteys kansallisvaltiot ylittävään feministiseen poliittiseen työhön ja sen tuloksiin luodaan Heikki Paloheimon luvussa ‘Politiikan pitkät syklit ja poliittisen kentän uusjako’, jossa lukijaa muistutetaan vuonna 1966 hyväksytystä kansalaisten taloudellisia, sosiaalisia ja sivistyksellisiä oikeuksia koskevasta perussopimuksesta (ns. TSS-oikeudet) ja tätä myöten YK:n jäsenmaiden hallitusten velvoitteesta edistää maissaan sukupuolten välistä tasa-arvoa (Paloheimo 2014, 82).

Olisi toisen ja pidemmän blogikirjoituksen paikka tehdä aihe- ja lukukohtainen lähdeluettelo siitä tutkimuksesta, jota suomalaistutkijat ovat tehneet esimerkiksi näistä teemoista:

  • Feministiset globaalin poliittisen talouden teoriat ja globalisaatiotutkimus
  • Yhdenvertaisuus ja moniperustainen syrjintä
  • Luokka ja sukupuoli politiikassa
  • Poliittinen osallistuminen ja yhdenvertaisuus
  • Feministinen tulevaisuudentutkimus
  • feministinen ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikka, ml. kriisinhallinta, kehitysyhteistyö, kauppapolitiikka
  • feministinen aktivismi, vaihtoehtoiset visiot hyvinvoinnista, tasa-arvosta ja yhdenvertaisuudesta
  • valtiofeminismi ja sen muutokset kohti markkinafeminismiä
  • feministinen analyysi maailman talousfoorumeista, Occupy-liikkeestä ja muista ns. vaihtoehtoisia poliittisia ja taloudellisia malleja tarjoavista liikkeistä
  • feministinen kritiikki osallistavasta suunnittelusta, deliberaatiosta ja lähidemokratian toteutumisesta
  • EU ja sen muutokset tasa-arvo- ja yhdnvertaisuuspolitiikkaan Suomessa

Omilla luennoillani opetan opiskelijoille kriittisen lukutaidon kehittämistä. Nimitän metodia “outouttamisen menetelmäksi”. Siinä huomio kiinnitetään hiljaisuuksiin, poisvalintoihin, tai siihen miten joku asia vakuuttavasti argumentoidaan luonnolliseksi tai kyseenalaistamattomaksi. Tätä työkalua suosittelen kaikille kirjan Poliittinen vaikuttaminen tulevaisuudessa lukijoille. Kaikki ei ole sitä miltä se näyttää – ainakaan tämän kirjan perusteella.

Hyödynnetty kirjallisuus:

Mickelsson, Raunli (toim) Poliittinen vaikuttaminen tulevaisuudessa. Turku: Turun yliopisto ja Tulevaisuudentutkimuksen Verkostoakatemia, 2014.

 

Postcapitalist Economies, Global Connections: Taking Back the Economy

From left to right: ice-berg economy, economy as floating coconut (edit:12 June 2016)

 

Comments to Professor Katherine Gibson’s talk at the University of Helsinki

Gibson’s talk can be listened here

I am thrilled of this possibility – to have a dialogue on community economics, embracing commons, surviving together and exploring what ethical action requires from us

My commentary that follows can be read as a struggle against paranoia and reparation – concepts that late Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick so brilliantly and kindly introduced to us in her book “Touching feeling: affect, pedagogy, performativity” – to which the introduction of the ”Take back the economy” refers to in passing – and to which I keep on returning myself.

So for this occasion, I re-introduce myself  as kitchen gardener & rainwater harvester but also as the Director of FIIA, Feminist Institute of Foreign Affairs – a shadow institute to the other FIIA (Finnish Institute of Foreign Affaris) that I created at the end of 2014 when I had become an unemployed, increasingly frustrated, feminist academic: at that time mainly being frustrated how little the mainstream international relations, and political economy include was able to cope with feminism and feminist scholars, theorizing that departs from mansplaining and all-male networks, associations and knowledge production practices – FIIA is just one example of pop up – platforms and forums that me and my feminist, colleagues have invented over the past years as alternatives: spaces for sharing, caring and building a community.

And maybe as a result of governing and self-governing, I am also here rather accidentally and literally, in rather gendered ways: I offered the organisers my voluntary input to advertise the event but was invited to provide comments – for which I thank Pieta and Tuomo. I take this chance as a possibility of exploring the feminist underpinnings, or some of them, of the community economics.

 

“Crisis of neoliberalism runs deep” Kate Bedford and Shirin Rai wrote in 2010 in introduction of special issue of feminist political economy in Signs: Journal of Women in Culture & Society. Further the same year Andrea Cornwall and Nana Akua Anyidoho in special issue on “Introduction: Women’s Empowerment: Contentions and contestations” of Development Journal warned of the increasing trend of women’s ”lite empowerment”: the tendency of development, and financial industry to take women as rational economic subjects into their focus – finally, some would say!

Slogans like ”gender equality as smart economics” or ”business case for gender equality” which in turn in the Finnish context has meant critical reflection – amongst feminist scholars, and activists – of the price of co-operation/collaboration/co-optation into ”state feminism” – the forms of feminisms that consist of the formal government policies such as gender equality programs and ”gender impact asssments” and so on – and which increasingly should be relabelled as ”market feminisms”.

Current mainstream European conservative political context, seems to be driven by the agenda of austerity, market feminism, welfare chauvinism and gender essentialism, antifeminism, and fear of loosing the authentic ”Finnish” or ”European” culture which and its women in particular need protection. Factor in climate crisis – questions of commoning, economic crisis – questions of wealth distribution, and the European fortress and human lives lost at its shores.These are just some contexts from which books like “The End of Capitalism (1996), A Postcapitalist Politics (2006) and Take Back the Economy (2013) cry urgency.

The basic principle of feminist political economy, the acknowledgement and recognition of”diverse economies” of everydays (for all humans, all genders and their multitudes included), , challenges the capitalist/developmentalist logics that render economy as capitalism, and women as rational economic subjects and feminine as a desired ”becoming subject”, as Gibson writes.

Turning the focus on the multitudes and diversity, according to her,

  • Makes such forms that resist these logics visibile
  • Shows the ignorance of complexity and multitudes of lives
  • Allows new focus on opportunities and directions of non-capitalist economy that are transformative

To me some core feminist theories are at the core of diverse economies thinking: gender, feminism, sexuality, race – bell hooks, Judith Butler, Eve Sedgwick. Although I have not consulted the community economics collective in my own earlier works studying politics of post-disaster and post-conflict reconstruction through ethnography, life histories and collective film documentarism in Aceh, Indonesia and for the next 5 years in Gujarat, India, what “ethical dynamics”, as Gibson calls it, means a focus to subversive sites, cracks that open possibilities or what Tanya Li calls practice of politics.

To take diverse economies seriously, means number of things – you can think of this methodologically, philosophically, as a way of life, as an ethical approach to others, or even as intersubjective way of becoming together:

  1. Openness, new possibilities – new practices of self and politics of subject
  2. Pluralism – going beyond binaries, embrasing “in a process”, unfinishedness
  3. Place-based (economic) politics – multitudinal forms that feminism can take
  4. Acknowledgement of inequalities, but not as static, but as something that need to be mobilized and dealt with
  5. Stripping down hierarcies that close possibilities for engagement: anyone can do this and as such, experiments, pilots or cases are there to be learned from, not to be “put in place”
  6. No prejudgement: which requires situatedness, contextualisation, and further to be attentative and mindful – listening instead of prescribing and explaining

So I conclude with 4 broad questions and comments:

  1. On feminisms
  • What kinds of feminist paths have you taken between 1996-2013/now – what forms does it take – how does ageing, gaining a name change the paths, what do different collaborations (with femnists and non-feminists) do to your work
  • How does engaging with the majority world has changed your feminism, or take on the possibilities of collective economics – and in particular the changes that are needed in the minority world

Then to follow, as to reiterate that engendering alternative economics intimately also is about, decolonializing, de-whitening these spaces that we occupy

  1. On the Community of Community Economics

Bina Agarwal has recently made an argument, based on her study of community forestry groups in India that there is a need to focus on intra-group dynamics, processes of group formation, democratic deliberation – neglected aspects, she argues, in social and solidarity economy (where the focus, according to her has been on interaction with outside actors)

– she raises specific questions of gender and class, and In Indian context in particular the question of caste and religion.

Agarwal, Bina. 2015. The power of numbers in gender dynamics illustrations from community forestry groups. Journal of Peasant Studies 42: 1-20.

How to deal with the class privilege? Some examples from my own everyday:

  • Community-supported agriculture intiative by the “good neighbourhood” in the “bad neighbourhood”: after number of years of farming, very little interaction with the surrounding neighbourhood – much more connections to the other CSA/shared economy communities, transitional volunteerism and so on
  • Capital region: how can we resist the dominance of Helsinki/affluent/educated class in what we do?
  1. Anti-feminism, malesplaining – simply put: how to tackle these dynamics?
  1. Neolibral university/institutionalised forms of knowledge and speed we work
  • Is there a way to resist neoliberal research demands to be always available, conduct fast-track analysis, co-opt crisis talk, and take part in social media -hysteria?
  • Increasingly the connectedness of these make being academic incresingly difficult: Economy – education – research –  university as machine. Can you say some examples from your own everyday how alternatives are created to sustain the momentum for Making Other Worlds Possible in our knowledge practices – just to keep our spirits alive?

Other face of Helsinki Peace Process: Aceh 10 years later

MARJAANA JAUHOLA / Academy of Finland Research Fellow, University of Helsinki // August 8th, 2015

The 15th of August marks the ten-year anniversary of the signature ceremony of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between the Government of Indonesia and Aceh independence movement GAM as a result of the peace negotiation process facilitated by the former president of Finland, Martti Ahtisaari. President Ahtisaari was awarded the Nobel Peace Price in 2008 for his efforts to resolve international conflicts on several continents for over more than three decades. The Aceh peace negotiation, known as Helsinki Peace Process, has gained international recognition. It is used as an example of a successful third-party mediation and a flag ship peace process to promote Finnish peace mediation skills internationally. Measured with certain parameters, Helsinki Peace Process can be considered as successful: number of hostilities has dropped, former ex-combatants are demobilised and disarmed according to the agreement, Aceh has held number of successful elections, and former combatants have transformed into politicians, bureaucrats and businessmen.

However, when analysed from the perspective of gendered impacts, the conclusions of the success differ greatly. Acehnese women’s activists invited to take part in the global review process of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325), also known as ‘women, peace and security’, in Kathmandu in February 2015 reviewed the peace process less optimistically: women’s needs and concerns have been marginalized. Gendered impacts of the both conflict and the peace process have a number of negative impacts into the everyday of Acehnese. International humanitarian aid in the aftermath of the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004 and the Helsinki Peace Process in 2005 has fuelled severe new forms of political struggle that use the rhetoric of respectability and Acehnese identity – utilizing the special autonomy status granted for Aceh in the peace process to challenging Indonesian constitution, legal and political system.

Gendered violence continues to be normalised in post-conflict Aceh. Violent acts have been targeted to religious, ethnic and gender and sexual minorities, but also increasingly towards female human rights defenders, and even women’s and gender studies lecturers. Labelling women activists as agents of West has further created divides between women’s groups and hindered grassroots solidarity work.

A new armed group, formed by ex-combatants of GAM over the last year, targets the current political elites – their former comrades – through its violent acts. The group justifies their actions with the evidence of lost promises and missed opportunities of peace building: political and economic development in Aceh after the Helsinki Peace Process has not been able to reduce the rampant poverty, Aceh is one of the most corrupt provinces of Indonesia and many former ex-combatants, including the female Inong Balee combatants and conflict-affected civilians still wait the materialization of promises made in Helsinki in 2005. This includes the establishment of human rights court and truth and reconciliation commission, and stabilisation of economic development and sustainable livelihoods.

This autumn marks another anniversary. The UN Security Council will assess the implementation of the UNSCR 1325 globally. The Finnish contribution to the implementation of the resolution, and the peace in Aceh, should be critically reviewed from these perspectives and all parties and supporters of the Helsinki Peace Process should ensure that the negotiated result in Helsinki will fulfil expectations of Acehnese people – especially those of women and varying minorities – of the non-discriminatory, nonviolent and prosperous peace.

Who is the imperialist now? Aka feminist pondering on white men telling feminists what to do

Vol 1. White men saving brown women from brown men (Gayatri Spivak 1988)

Vol 2. White women saving brown women from brown men (Lila Abu-Lughod 1995)

Other possibilities also include…(Jauhola 2015):

Vol 3. White men saving brown women from white feminists

Vol 4. Brown feminists saving rest of the feminists from white men and imperialist feminisms

To be continued…

Joitain suomalaisia vastineita Vol. 3:n tiimoilta:

”Puhe naisnäkökulmasta on mänttiä!”2015-03-02 13-48-50 +0200-2

“Olen aina puolustanut naisia ja ollut varsinkin kehitysmaiden naisten puolestapuhuja”

“Naisnäkökulma on toissijainen tavoite…Monin verroin tärkeämpää on järkevien taloudellisesti realististen ja kaikkien köyhien asemaa parantavien toimenpiteitten esille tuominen”

“Naiset eivät saa asioita läpi – esitetäänkö ne väärällä tavalla?”

“Turhaa vastakkainasettelua. Asioita pitää viedä eteenpäin yhdessä!”

Suomen Unicefin pääsihteeri Ulf B. Lindström, Tasa-arvoasiainneuvottelukunnan nainen ja kehitys – jaoston jäsen Nairobin YK:n 3.naisten maailmankonferenssin jälkimainingeissä Uusi Suomi lehdessä 4.12.1985.

”Minua on suoraan sanottuna alkanut pelottamaan se, mihin tässä mennään. Meillä länsimaissa kun tuloerot sen kuin kasvavat ja tasa-arvokysymyksetkin ovat meillä pielessä. Meidän arvothan muuttuvat jatkuvasti. Ja kun saavutetaan yksimielisyys jostain asiasta, niin miksi sitten lähdetään myymään sitä muille hirveällä vauhdilla, vaikka nämä arvokysymykset eivät ole selviä meille itsellemmekään. Esimerkkinä vaikkapa tämä sukupuolineutraali avioliittolaki. Eihän meillä siitä ole itsellämmekään yksimielistä kantaa.”

Ulkoasiainneuvos Matti Kääriäinen naisten oikeuksien ja tasa-arvon edistämisestä kehitysyhteistyössä (1.4.2015)

Dokumenttielokuva Marzia, ystäväni elokuvateattereissa 7.4. alkaen

”Vaikka persut ja feministit näyttävät pintaraapaisulta täysin erilaisilta, molempien logiikka on hämmentävän samanlainen. Molemmat ryhmät ovat synnyttäneet itse keksityn ongelman, johon heillä on itsellään ratkaisu. Feministit ovat persuja.”

Tuomas Enbuske kolumnissaan ”feminismi on vihapuhetta” (Apu 31.3.2015, ei linkkiä tietoisena valintana)

Audre Lorde 1984:

As women, we have been taught either to ignore our differences, or to view them as causes for separation and suspicion rather than as forces for change. Without community there is no liberation, only the most vulnerable and temporary armistice between an individual and her oppression. But community must not mean a shedding of our differences, nor the pathetic pretense that these differences do not exist.

Those of us who stand outside the circle of this society’s definition of acceptable women; those of us who have been forged in the crucibles of difference — those of us who are poor, who are lesbians, who are Black, who are older — know that survival is not an academic skill. It is learning how to take our differences and make them strengths. For the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house. They may allow us temporarily to beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change. And this fact is only threatening to those women who still define the master’s house as their only source of support.

Lorde, Audre. “The Master’s Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master’s House.”1984. Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches. Ed.Berkeley, CA: Crossing Press. 110-114. 2007.Print.

On Feminist Foreign Policy

IMG_7220

Comments to the speech of the Swedish Minister for Foreign Affairs Margot Wallström ‘Women, Peace and Security: Transforming the Global Agenda for Sustainable Peace’ at the FIIA seminar.

Video recording of the minister’s speech

Video recording of the comments and Q&A session

Minister Wallström, Excellences, distinguished colleagues and guests, feminists. I am honoured to provide comments to Minister Wallström’s speech and I want to thank the organisers for having chosen the campus of University of Helsinki for this event. Creating feminist spaces to discuss foreign policy, global security and sustainable development IS important and urgently needed, not just globally, but also in academia. Everyday forms of discrimination, belittling, or even anti-feminism challenge us. No one, I suppose, thinks that being a feminist, or walking the feminist talk is an easy task, or will become that anytime soon. This is what feminists, women’s activists and human rights defenders know all too well, throughout the world!

Foreign policy, security and diplomacy are not necessarily easy places, NOR automatically welcoming or inclusive. The question is about power, and who sets the agenda: Who speaks for whom? Not just in relation to our gender, but also to our age, social and economic status, title or position, ethnicity, or even passport. Yet, it is precisely the question of power why turning to feminism can in deed be empowering and transformative. Feminism in foreign affairs means reflective analysis of varying positions of power and what drives it is an explicitly outspoken drive towards change. What feminist scholarship can offer for practitioners of foreign policy, is critical reflection on how concepts and tools of foreign affairs become embedded in the power relations.

Concepts, such as gender equality, gender sensitivity, or feminism – are far from being simplistic, or purely technical – which to me we should not shy away from – as anti-feminists would loved us to do! For example, there is a huge difference to talk about gender equality as legal, or de juro equality than to aim towards experienced, or de facto equality.

Is feminism always something positive and good for every woman, then? History has taught us that different forms of feminisms have assumed certain types of ‘normality’ as their ideal woman. Some forms of feminism, for example, have assumed that all women are peace loving, or share the same ideas of transforming gender roles and empowering women’s lives.

Here I want to raise alertness. Research – mine included – has shown how turmoil, such as political violence, armed conflict or even natural disasters may lead to new forms movements that in the name of protecting a nation, community or religion, call for action to protect women and their respectability by reducing women’s roles solely as mothers and guardians of honour.

Feminists have also been challenged to transform their own goals and forms of action – dismantling master’s house be it geopolitical or white privilege. For example, sharing Nordic experiences of promoting gender equality sounds more humble and open for dialogue than some other earlier attempts that have explicitly aimed at ‘exporting’ Nordic gender equality models to others.

Being celebrated as World Champions of Gender Equality, has at least in Finland, resulted in a dangerous myth of achieved gender equality, and potential blindness to emerging new gendered social and economic inequalities and direct forms of racism and phobia. CEDAW committee has repeatedly raised their concern over globally high statistics of violence against women, and forms of multiple discrimination in Finland, especially directed to migrant communities – many of whom are fleeing armed conflicts and political violence. These examples illustrate that 1325 is not ‘just’ a powerful tool for foreign policy, but also intimately it is about transforming domestic politics too.

How does one define what successful peace is, then? Whereas the mainstream theories of security, conflicts and international relations focus on the stability and security of the states, feminist analysis of conflict and post-conflict contexts draws attention to longer-term, and micro-level dynamics, events and experiences in the everyday. I am going to use the example of the Aceh peace process –well-known, at least in Finland, peace process that reaches its tenth anniversary later this year. With certain measures, undoubtedly, such as the number of hostilities, demobilization of armed forces, transforming ex-combatant to politicians and businessmen, Aceh peace process can be said to be successful.

However, as Acehnese women legal experts and women’s rights activists pointed out couple weeks ago in Kathmandu at the regional consultation for the global study of the implementation of 1325: the peace process has its major challenges when gender lenses and women’s rights are positioned at the centre of the analysis:

The peace process and the international humanitarian aid in the aftermath of the Indian Ocean tsunami has fuelled severe new forms of political struggle that use the rhetoric of respectability, Acehnese identity and actively uses the special autonomy status granted for Aceh to target ‘dissident women’. Gendered violence continues to be normalised, and it has also been directed to religious, ethnic, gender and sexual minorities but also increasingly to women human rights defenders and gender study lecturers. Labelling activists as agents of the West has further created divides between women’s groups.

Yet, far from being passive victims or being driven by any outside forces, Acehnese women’s organisations and Islamic feminist scholars have fought for decades for their right to be included in the legal debates, setting political agenda AND providing holistic perspectives to tackle multiple forms of insecurity: physical, political, economical and also related to their environmental security vis-à-vis natural hazards and climate change

Minister, distinguished guests, the 15th anniversary of the 1325 turns the analytical eye on the globe, its conflicts, and peacebuilding efforts. 1325 and the consequent 6 other resolutions offer a comprehensive map -a way forward. But as the Security Council has acknowledged, women will remain in the margins of the peace processes and efforts to sustain peace – if no firm action and significant inputs are taken. This means tackling root causes of the conflicts that often relate to global political economy, persisting inequalities and oppressive systems, domestically and internationally.

To succeed, feminist foreign policy requires investing in research and teaching. Yet situation for feminist scholars at academic campuses is not an easy one. When it comes to decisions regarding recruitment, teaching syllabus, or research funding, sustaining institutionalised commitment to feminist goals remains a huge challenge. As the Finnish minister for Foreign Affairs Erkki Tuomioja noted in gender & peacebuilding seminar last year: “integration of gender in international affairs is difficult, but necessary”. I could not agree more. Feminist scholars are, however, ready for action. Thank you.

On tsunami time

26th December 2014 8.46 am, El Hierro

The past nine years I have spoken with survivors. For most of them the tsunami was not a singular event, but in fact it violently pushed them into a totally different temporality: tsunami time.

Ten years after the Indian Ocean tsunami and the earthquake many wish to know if things got better. Since my first visit to Aceh in 2006 I’ve refused to give any simple answers to that. I’ve used the past nine years to question the simplistic ideas of reconstruction, or building back better, as the post-tsunami aid efforts became to known.

The question of better haunts the aid workers, it haunts the funders, it haunts the media, and researchers like myself. But in many ways it also haunts the survivors.

In Aceh, after the tsunami it was commonly explained that the tsunami happened due to the sins committed by the people. Only one week ago the female mayor of Banda Aceh suggested so. Her administration has used the past years to strengthen the punishments of those who do not live up to the expections of piousness and civil city (kota madani). Building Banda Aceh anew has been an active attempt to ‘build back better’ build an Islamic city comparable with that city it was believed to be in the golden years of Sultanate of Aceh, or Medina. History been reinvented and romaticized, used for justifying the emergence of post-tsunami politics that is yet to solve the bigger questions of justice, equality and prosperity for all.

With the focus on Islamic morals and piety, the city focuses on apperances and controlling religious behvior instead of drawing on other principles that would provide governance alternatives, such as equality for all, forgiveness and healing. Healing from the losses of the tsunami, 30 years of armed conflict and other silent atrocities that are not given names nor turned into media headlines.

My ethnographic research in the city of Banda Aceh speaks of the lives lived in the margins of the city, ways in which people live through their everydays in best possible ways despite their chronic poverty, feelings of outcast, or multiple ways they are being discriminated against due to their gender, sexuality, religious belief, ethnicity, ideology or appearance.

They actively engage in providing alternative visions for Aceh. These visions do not emerge from the halls of power, academic seminar halls or media outlets. They are echoed in places where the dust, dirt and filth gathers. They enact as reminders and mirrors of failures of humanity. Humanity that is celebrated today on the tenth anniversary of the Indian Ocean tsunami and earthquakes.

Audio visual

 

Ongoing audio-visual documentation based on my street ethnography in Banda Aceh, Indonesia (2012-14)

Totaliter: Penjara Pemikiran. Punk video (2013)

Marjinal: Luka Kita. Punk video (2013)

Romi and the Jahat’s & Museum Street Punks Aceh: Film murahan. Punk video (2013)

 

Animation ‘This is gender’ (2012) based on my aid ethnography on gender mainstreaming in Aceh, Indonesia (2006-9)

Script: Marjaana Jauhola

Animation: Anna Bergman

Sound editing: Julle Juntunen

 

Other projects

2009                Co-producer of photo exhibition and film screening of Cynthia Weber’s documentary film project ’I am an American’, Aberystwyth Arts Centre, Depertment of International Politics, Aberystwyth University

2004                Helsinkiläisiä nyt!/Helsinkians now! –group photo exhibition, exhibiting 18 images ”Encounters in Hakaniemi market hall”, Jugendsali, Helsinki, Pohjois-Karjalan museo Carelicum, Joensuu, Nurmes-talon Tyko-Galleria, Nurmes

2003                Solo exhibition “Aman ke hum rakhwale – olemme rauhan turvaajia” conflict prevention seminar, KATU 02/2003, Helsinki

2002           Photographs on organic farming in Finland, Merkur bank website

Photographs used in:

  • Finnwid -women’s economic literarcy -website 2002
  • National Human Development Report, Planning Commission Government of India, 2002
  • UNDP India country office brochure, 2001
  • UNDP India country office posters 2001
  • undp.org.ind website images 2000-2001, 2002
  • Cover photos in ‘Adolescents in India – a profile’. UNFPA for UN System in India 2000

Time for new beginnings

It’s my first day as a documentary film student at Keuda adult education!

Thus, I am gradually moving my online portfolio to this new address over the next few months.

I will build this site to give flavor of my previous projects and collaborations, but also of the new beginnings and encounters. Stay tuned!